What exists doesn’t work for us anymore
Interview by: Dragan Nikolić
We spoke with four students from the Faculty of Philosophy at the University of Novi Sad — Boris Kojčinović, Luka Opruc, and Natalija Petrović, all studying communication, and Kristina Tenjović, a psychology student. This combined interview was conducted in the context of the student protests organised by the Students in Blockade initiative.
The protests began in November 2024, following a physical attack on students from the Faculty of Dramatic Arts in Belgrade who were peacefully commemorating the victims of a fatal collapse of a canopy at the Novi Sad railway station. The tragedy, which occurred as a result of years of systemic corruption and institutional negligence, prompted students across Serbia to raise their voices.
The students’ original demands include the publication of full documentation related to the reconstruction of the Novi Sad railway station, as the currently available materials are incomplete and inaccessible to the public; identification and prosecution of those suspected of physically attacking students and professors, along with the dismissal of those involved if they hold public office; the dropping of criminal charges against students arrested or detained during the protests, as well as the suspension of ongoing proceedings; and a 20% increase in budget allocations for public universities.
From the outset, the protests have been peaceful and non-violent, consistently calling for a fundamental shift in societal values and encouraging citizens to engage in the defence of the common good actively. All decisions within the movement are made through plenums, representing a form of direct democracy. So far, the authorities have failed to offer an adequate response, increasingly resorting to violence instead. None of the students’ demands have been met to date.
All interviewees emphasised that the views expressed are their own and do not represent the official position of the Students in Blockade initiative.
Serbia has witnessed numerous protests over the years, including Serbia Against Violence and Stop Rio Tinto, among others. However, students have remained mainly reserved during these movements, participating as individuals rather than as a coordinated force. This absence of organised student engagement led to a certain sense of apathy among older citizens, who believed that students were the very segment of society whose future people were fighting for in the streets — and that without them, change would be impossible. Were they right? And is the current student protest a clear sign that students have now resolved to fight for their future in their own country?
/ Luka / This generation had the bold idea to try to change a system that doesn’t work — instead of just running from it. The reality is that the current system doesn’t meet the needs of modern life.
You’ll often hear older people say, “Leave it, you’re too young to understand it,” but from our perspective now, that attitude bears a striking resemblance to how they interact with the political elite — as if politics is a mysterious, complicated business reserved for men in suits. The student movement makes it loud and clear that our generation is ready to fully step into political and social life — and change is already happening.
Previous large-scale protests in Serbia didn’t manage to channel public energy into real outcomes. There are loads of reasons for that, but let’s start with the obvious — the generations have shifted. Today’s students are the kids of those who protested in the 90s. We’re lucky: we didn’t grow up in war, we weren’t fed the same nationalist propaganda, and we didn’t live through the post-2000 crash of hope. Many of us are pretty immune to the usual tactics that divide society.
Back then, students mostly showed up as individuals because political dialogue wasn’t really something you did collectively. On top of that, this government has worked hard to shut down any civic or political engagement — centralising power, gutting local communities, turning institutions into cash machines, stuffing key roles with party loyalists, shutting down public debate, and actively sabotaging unions and any serious opposition.
This generation decided to change the system instead of running from it – Luka
So now, students are self-organising — and calling on everyone else to do the same in their own spaces. Ironically, one of the reasons these protests have become so massive and visible is exactly what older generations mock us for: phones, the internet, and the sheer speed and spread of information.
Real change takes time. But we’re done, just hoping. It’s time for fewer expectations — and more action.
The tragedy in Novi Sad was the trigger. Still, the protests truly gained momentum after the attack on peacefully gathered students from the Belgrade Faculty of Dramatic Arts, who were paying tribute to the victims from Novi Sad. How did these events shape your demands?
/ Boris / The tragedy in Novi Sad was just the spark — the real explosion happened in our heads. For decades, this society has been hit by one crisis after another. And every single time, somehow, the government managed to blame anyone but themselves. That kind of spin, pushed through their tabloid mouthpieces, shaped public opinion for years. There is no proper regulation, no accountability — just chaos dressed up as news.
When our friends and their professors from FDU stepped out to honour the victims, someone thought it was OK to attack them. At that moment, something clicked. The alarm went off for all of us. This wasn’t just about one event — it was a line that had been crossed. It became clear: freedom of expression, unless it fits the regime, no longer exists.
For every tragedy — the school shooting, the playground massacre, the helicopter crash — they found a scapegoat. But this time, when a chunk of concrete fell and killed people at a train station, there was no easy target. Just decades of corruption and zero responsibility.
People aren’t blind anymore. No one’s buying the excuses. They tried to shift the blame again, but this time, it didn’t stick — because they’d have to look in the mirror, and they’re not ready for that.
Everything that has happened has shaped our demands. It forced us to look deeper. The real problem isn’t just bad decisions — it’s the system itself. That’s why we’re not asking for band-aids. We’re demanding a legal system that works, institutions that function effectively, and a society where the law is respected and enforced. Because without that, democracy is just a word on paper.
Were you surprised by the authorities’ response — answering peaceful protests with open, terrifying violence? What do you think pushed them to the point of losing all sense of proportion?
/ Natalija / We weren’t surprised, honestly. That kind of violence is something people here, sadly, have come to expect. What shocked others just confirmed what we already knew — that they’ll go to extreme lengths the moment someone stands up to them.
What’s thrown them off is the fact that we, as students, carry a set of values they can’t understand. We’re everything they’re not — and that terrifies them. They’re scared of losing power, losing their seats, and, with that, losing their grip on the system that lets them keep stealing from the people.
The authorities attempted everything to discredit the protests, but each effort backfired. What’s the secret behind your “chess game” with the government — or, more precisely, with the President?
/ Boris / The secret’s so obvious, it’s wild it was ever a secret at all. We realised that every previous protest was aimed at the wrong target. People kept appealing to an institution with mostly ceremonial powers — and by doing that, they unintentionally gave it more influence than it should ever have had.
We’re addressing the responsible institutions — the ones that are legally obliged to respond. This is supposed to be a representative democracy, and the will of the people shouldn’t be so out of sync with the will of the parliament. That gap creates corruption and injustice, ultimately tearing society apart, which is exactly why the judiciary is at the heart of our demands.
We’re not surprised by the violence. We grew up in it – Natalija
They’ve thrown everything at us to try and tear us down — but we’re not easy targets. We’re young, we stand for the right things, and we’ve grown up online. We’ve seen how the world works, and we know how to push back — fast, smart, and with a sense of humour they’ll never understand.
Why is He irrelevant when it comes to fulfilling your demands? Everyone knows He’s officially not responsible — but we also know He pulls all the strings far beyond what the Constitution allows. Can you strip Him of power simply by declaring Him irrelevant and refusing to engage with Him?
/ Luka / He is irrelevant when it comes to meeting our demands — because, legally, none of it falls under His responsibilities. But here’s the paradox: in the past weeks, we’ve been watching the president insert Himself into the work of every institution simply because they’ve become so dysfunctional. And at the same time, He consistently avoids doing the one thing that is His actual job — representing the unity of the citizens of Serbia. He’s doing the opposite: dividing people and even fuelling violence.
Lately, the rhetoric emanating from what is supposed to be the country’s most ceremonial role has spiralled out of control. It now sounds more like a street-level party operative than a head of state.
So here we are — in a country where not a single branch of government is functioning. A president overstepping, a government in resignation, a judiciary paralysed by strikes from lawyers and court staff demanding fair pay, and a National Assembly that feels less like a legislative chamber and more like a mashup of football brawls and gender reveal parties.
We’ve stepped into political territory here, so the obvious question is — how do you think your demands can be met if you insist on keeping politics out of it? Your needs are, by nature, political. And while you’re not explicitly calling for a change of government (even though the government keeps claiming you’re), isn’t that shift essentially necessary if anything in the system is going to change?
/ Natalija / We’re fully aware that what we’re doing is political — but from the start, we’ve drawn a clear line between politics and party politics. We’ve distanced ourselves from all political parties, and we’re not running from the fact that this is a political struggle.
One of the demands from Novi Sad is the resignation of Prime Minister Miloš Vučević and the Mayor of Novi Sad, Milan Đurić — along with their criminal accountability. If the Prime Minister resigns, that automatically brings down the government. So yes, that’s a form of change.
But what we’re asking for is that the institutions — which have been wholly hijacked — finally wake up and start doing their jobs because inside all those institutions sit real people who are actively choosing not to do what the law requires of them. And that has to stop.
The authorities won’t willingly give up power — doing so would mean sending themselves to prison. So, how do you think this situation can be resolved?
/ Kristina / We, as Students in Blockade, are calling on the institutions to do their job. It was clear before — and it’s even more apparent now — that the government has completely taken over institutions that, by law, are supposed to be independent from one another.
As a result, the judiciary — which should be fully autonomous and treat everyone equally — has become just another tool in the hands of those in power. What we’re demanding is simple: equality before the law and an end to selective justice.
We’re seriously concerned that the government has embedded itself deep into the judicial system, and that’s why it’s crucial to break that grip. If the judiciary can’t be freed while this government is in power, then yes — the government needs to go, along with everyone who’s been doing its dirty work.
An independent judiciary isn’t optional. It’s the foundation of any real democracy.
What’s your position on the proposals to form a transitional government? Would you accept one made up of both government and opposition representatives — or only one composed of independent experts?
/ Boris / A transitional government is entirely off the table in the current political climate — I think that’s a firm no for the majority of students. People don’t trust those in power, but support for the opposition has also dropped significantly during the student movement. Some of that criticism might be unfair, but most of it is entirely justified — people no longer believe in them. They haven’t fought hard enough, they haven’t offered a real path forward, and let’s be honest — part of the opposition is too close to the regime, and that ruins their credibility in this fight.
We’re not the future — we’re the now! – Kristina
My personal view on a government of experts differs slightly from that of some of my peers. I see it as a risky move, but if there’s strong student oversight, it could be a workable solution for resolving the crisis. Still, young people are highly cautious. We’ve been let down too many times to trust easily.
That’s why our focus right now is on direct democracy — the kind we practise through plenums and the kind we hope citizens will build through local assemblies. It’s a long road, for sure, but it allows every voice to be heard. And perhaps, just perhaps, that’s how we begin rebuilding trust in institutions.
Are you ready — as what is now clearly a serious political force, possibly the only one that can genuinely challenge the current regime — to actively step into politics and potentially participate in a technical or transitional government composed of experts?
/ Natalija / Students in Blockade aren’t aiming to become political players in the traditional sense, nor do we plan to take part in institutions or government structures actively. We see ourselves as a driving force — a catalyst — in this society. Our demands are clear and concrete, but we’re calling on every other part of society to wake up, to start demanding real change, and to be ready to make sacrifices. The social and political system has to come to an end — and that won’t happen unless everyone gets involved.
How do you view the role of the opposition, and are you willing to accept their outstretched hand and include them in achieving your goals?
/ Kristina / The relationship between students and the opposition is… complicated. Currently, the opposition’s standing is relatively weak. None of the parties have proven themselves as reliable or trustworthy during their time in office. On top of that, the regime-controlled media have done a grand job spinning narratives and applying pressure, which only deepened the public’s distrust.
The student movement has, from its inception, sought to remain independent and outside of traditional politics. But as the movement grew, many people started to see students — with their clear messages and actions — as a genuine political alternative. And that shift only further pushed the opposition into the background.
Right now, students aren’t interested in forming or joining political parties, even though ideas like that have come up. It just doesn’t align with what this movement stands for.
The tricky part is that everyone knows this situation can only be resolved in the political arena. However, collaborating with the current opposition is not an option — it wouldn’t benefit the movement and could easily harm it.
Could that change in the future, with new people and new ideas? Maybe. Nothing’s off the table in times of major change. But for now, the answer is no.
What’s your view on how citizens have responded to the protests? Why have these walks across Serbia — through nearly every town and village — been so powerful, eye-opening, and even cathartic? It feels like you’ve managed to awaken the so-called “ordinary person,” the one who is the backbone of this society but lives far beyond the inner circle of political elites and major university hubs.
/ Kristina / What this movement has given people is something they’d lost a long time ago — hope. That hope was crushed by the failures of past struggles and worn down by the constant pressure of life under this regime. Trust in the system collapsed when the promise of a “better tomorrow” in the 2000s turned into a playground for manipulation, abuse of power, and personal gain. What followed was a kind of collective disconnection — people felt powerless and drained after decades of fighting, constantly being told what to think and what to believe.
But the messages coming from this generation — messages of justice, dignity, and unity — were always there, buried deep in people. They just needed someone to say them out loud. People forget that institutions are supposed to serve us and that power should belong to the people, not rule over them. Solidarity, unity, democracy — these are the values most citizens of Serbia want. But no political option so far has even tried to bring that closer to them.
What’s also hit home is the strength and ambition of young people. That has stirred something powerful — a kind of nostalgia and a renewed awareness of how critical social and political engagement is. Because when you realise your children, for all the right reasons, don’t want to live in the country you helped shape — you’re left with one choice: to support them. To stand beside them. The people didn’t need much — just a spark. A bit of motivation and courage. I think they found that in us. Trust isn’t something you can demand — it’s something you earn. And that’s where every political force before us failed. Perhaps that’s why people now view students as the light at the end of the tunnel.
How do you respond to the international community’s stance on the protests? Russia accuses you of staging a colour revolution, the West claims you’re pro-Russian, and the domestic government calls you foreign agents. Why is there such a lack of support from the so-called democratic world?
/ Luka / The word that best describes the EU’s attitude toward Serbia — and, honestly, the broader politics of the European Commission — is hypocrisy. And this case is no exception. But it’s not just about money and interests this time like it usually is. What scares them is that students in Serbia have become a true political vanguard — speaking openly about transparency, accountability, and direct democracy.
Those values pose a serious threat to the so-called “democratic world,” which, let’s face it, is looking less and less democratic every day. The real danger we pose is to systems built on hypocrisy, private interest, and profit at the expense of people — and we’ve seen enough to know that this is not just a local issue. It’s global.
Just like sovereignty in Serbia doesn’t belong to the government but to the people, the European Commission isn’t the sole voice or representative of European citizens. There are more of us — and they know it.
Do you personally see these protests as historically significant or even transformative? Do you believe they have the potential to spread regionally or globally, given the support you’re receiving from ordinary people around the world? People genuinely admire what you’re doing.
/ Boris / Honestly, it’s hard for us to view these protests with any distance — we’re in the thick of it. We’re juggling so much on the ground that there’s barely time for big-picture analysis or reflection on long-term impact. What we do know is that this is something big, and we’re proud of it. How big, how historically significant — that’s something we’ll understand better once this fight is over when we can take a breath and look at what’s been achieved.
We’re done treating symptoms. The problem is the system – Boris
What we’re fighting for — as students and now alongside so many citizens — is essential to any democratic society. Whether this will spread regionally or globally is hard to predict. However, there’s no doubt that other countries could learn from it — it just depends on whether their citizens see it as urgent and relevant in their context. It matters to us that Europe and the rest of the world understand what we’re doing and why we’re doing it. But I think they’re afraid to look too closely at students in Serbia — because doing that would mean confronting the state of their societies. And let’s be real: things aren’t exactly blooming there either, no matter how much they want to believe otherwise.
The idea that ordinary people should have a say in how things work — that idea’s been pushed to the margins. We’re just trying to bring it back to the forefront.